Combat Manuals of the Fifteenth Century

Robert Hook

This is an edited version of a paper presented to the 2003 Australasian Ricardian Convention. The paper was edited by Johanna Stewart, and also appears in the conference papers.

A century of stage and screen presentation of medieval combat has left us with a very clear, and completely inaccurate, idea of the nature of personal combat in the Middle Ages. It is unfortunate that we have such murky visions, because we have a body of clear and unambiguous period materials at hand which reveal a great deal of the martial aspects of medieval culture: the combat manuals left behind by teachers of the martial arts.

Formal schools to teach martial skills are documented to have existed from at least the early 14th century in Germany, Italy and Spain. There are good reasons to believe they were present elsewhere across medieval Europe, but records of this are less clear. It is known that there may have been as many as a dozen such schools in London alone by the late 15th century. While the nature and existence of these schools is itself a rich and interesting historical seam to mine, one very important by-product of the schools is the body of documents recording what was taught—medieval combat manuals.

Until fairly recently, these documents were obscure and received little regard from historians. They were mainly known to military collectors, keen fencers, and latterly to historical re-enactors. Before the growth of the Internet made distribution of facsimiles trivial, period manuals were seldom copied. Now, however, an ever increasing volume of these materials is readily available, and a renaissance in the study of these materials is underway.

Currently, most study of period manuals remains concentrated within the ranks of re-enactment societies and military historians. Groups such as the Academy of European Medieval Martial Arts (AEMMA) and the Association for Renaissance Martial Arts (ARMA [1]), respected academics like Dr Sidney Anglo and Dr David Nicolle, and gifted amateur historians and archaeologists such as John Waller and Ewart Oakeshott, have published significant analyses of these documents. Through the efforts of people and organisations like this, these materials are being transcribed and translated, and more materials are emerging from dusty corners of libraries.

In this paper, I do not discuss the materials in depth, nor do I explore the nature of the martial arts they depict. Instead I briefly survey manuals up to the 16th century, then return to muse on what additional light they can throw on the late 15th century. I concentrate on the evolution of the documents, note their purpose, and comment on what they can tell us about medieval combat.

Any number of early works, such as the Bayeux Tapestry (c. 1066) and Maciejowski Bible (c. 1250) (fig. 1) are replete with rich depictions of combat, but these are not in any sense combat manuals. The depictions are often highly stylized, placing an emphasis on giving an impression of combat, either to illustrate historical or biblical battles, or as an abstract representation of the idea of battle or war.

Fig. 1

The earliest known true combat manual is the Tower Fectbuch MS I.33 (fig. 2). [2] Written in Latin, probably by a cleric, the document is believed to originally have come from Germany. There are several significant features of this document worth noting. It consists of a number of illustrations showing two figures, in profile, in various postures with sword and buckler (a small, round shield). Above or below the figures, and apparently written after the figures had been drawn, are brief captions explaining the picture. The illustrations and text are extremely clear and simple, obviously so the reader can interpret and understand the materials without ambiguity.

Fig. 2

The next known documents arose from late 14th century Germany. Johannes Liechtenauer was an enormously influential teacher, significantly shaping martial skills for over a century. His syllabus was apparently compiled by student and priest Hanko Döbringer c. 1389, [3] and distributed fairly widely. Sadly, parts of these documents are lost, though other portions survive in commentaries by later authors such as Sigmund Ringeck and Peter von Danzig. Liechtenauer/Döbringer’s work was apparently in verse form with no illustrations. It is significant that the syllabus described definite formal systems of combat, and even more significant that it attributes many of the techniques to earlier masters, implying an unbroken didactic tradition stretching back ‘through time immemorial’. Interestingly, the Döbringer Fechtbuch (fighting manual) makes a definite distinction between ‘schulfechten’ and ‘crustfechten’ or ‘ernstfechten’, that is ‘school fighting’ and ‘real fighting’.

Fig. 3

Before returning to Ringeck and von Danzig, a short detour to Italy is needed. A very significant document from 1410 is Flos Duellatorum in Armis, by Fiore dei Liberi (fig. 3). [4] This was probably prepared as a private commission, and follows the same form we’ve already seen: clear sketches of figures in profile with captions. The preface of the text suggests the existence of a tradition of martial teaching in Italy similar to that in Germany, and states that there was a traffic of ideas and teachers between Italy and Germany. One particularly interesting feature of Flos Duellatorum, is that it explicitly and obviously lays out a definite style of combat. Like all of these fighting manuals, it covers a broad range of activities, including wrestling, dagger fighting, short and long swords, sword-and-shield, and fighting in armour and on horseback. Each section begins with a depiction of basic postures, guards or attacks. The longer sections then go on to show variations on attacks, responses to basic attacks, responses to the responses and so forth (fig. 4). A few of the illustrations form a sequence of linked postures, in an attempt to explain the movements of the combatants.

Fig. 4

Fig. 4a

At least one later document De Arte Gladitora Dimicandi, by Fillipo Vadi, c 1485 [5], is very similar to Flos Duellatorum, and appears to have been strongly inspired by the earlier document. This is a common pattern throughout the 15th century, where a good number of documents appear to be transcriptions and compilations from earlier works. In some instances the earlier authors are cited, but at other times the document is presented as new work. Plagiarism is not, it seems, a modern problem.

Around 1430 Sigmund Ringeck produced a document, primarily covering long sword techniques, which set out to comment on and explain Liechtenauer [6]. The text consists of Liechtenauer’s verses, followed by Ringeck’s explanation. The prologue states:

This is the beginning of the interpretation of the Knightly Art of the Langenschwert, written down in rhymes by the grand Fechtmiester of the Medieval German school, Johannes Liechtenauer. He recorded his teachings in secret words, so that the art may not be commonly spread. These secret phrasings were later interpreted and commented on in a book by Sigmund Ringeck, at the time Fechtmiester of Albrecht, Count Palatine of Rhine and Duke of Bavaria. [7]

It seems possible that Ringeck’s explanation of Liechtenauer’s techniques may have opened up understanding to a wider audience, because after 1440 there appears to be a significant increase in the number of fighting manuals produced. Ironically a commentary on and interpretation of Ringeck’s book has recently been produced by Christian Tobler (with colour photographs) under the English title “Secrets of German Medieval Swordmanship”.

A similar document, which includes illustrations on all but two leaves, was produced by Peter von Danzig around 1452 [8]. Once again, this document seems to have helped popularize the previously obscure German masters.

While most 15th Century combat manuals can be tentatively grouped into family trees descending either from Liechtenauer or Fiore de Libri, a few others can be related to the anonymous Gladiatoria fecthbuch [9]. The techniques displayed in this family are similar to the Liechetenauer school, but the documents (particularly Gladiatoria) are distinguished by beautiful, detailed illustrations of fully armoured combatants.

The most significant author of 15th century fighting manuals is the prolific Hans Talhoffer (fig. 5). Talhoffer produced at least six manuals, four of which are known today. The documents from 1443 [10], 1449 [11] and 1459 [12] (figs. 6-8) show a definite development of the quality and style of illustration. It appears that Talhoffer had a very definite presentational goal, which he did not achieve until his major work in 1467. Like all other fectbuchs, the Talhoffer documents show pairs of combatants, in profile, with accompanying captions. As with other fechtbuchs to this time, the figures are clearly drawn, with little or no background or scenery. The 1467 Talhoffer differs from its contemporaries and predecessors in several very important ways.

Fig. 5	Fig. 7
Fig. 6	Fig. 8

Unlike most earlier works, while still showing the combatants more or less in profile, Talhoffer’s illustrator has shifted the perspective so that the viewer is slightly above the combatants (fig. 9). This subtle and deliberate shift has the important effect of making the movement of participants relative to each other’s position much clearer. Talhoffer’s understanding of the need to capture and represent movement on the page, rather than static postures, is also shown by the use of many explicitly paired pictures (fig. 10). In these, the first shows an initial starting posture or attack, and the next shows the completion of the movement. While Flos Duellatorum makes some use of this representational technique, Talhoffer’s use of it is significantly more refined and effective.

Fig. 9

Fig. 10

Talhoffer’s book is also exceptionally transparent. The drawings and use of language are very careful, the captions are succinct and precise, and a definite nomenclature is established and used consistently. The clarity and precision of this work cannot be overstated. Other works, such as the contemporaneous document known as Codex Wallerstein / Vonn Baumann’s Fechtbuch, c 1470, [13]have illustrations that are relatively crude, and are generally not as well organised. For example the caption for figure 11 can be translated as:

So someone thrusts above at your face: hold your dagger in the right hand and catch the thrust on it, and punch his elbow away with your left hand so that he turns from you. Then catch his foot with your dagger, as depicted here, so that you throw him.

Fig. 11

Talhoffer’s 1467 text is representative of a large number of texts from the last decades of the 15th century, albeit one which leads the pack in many ways. As such, it has important characteristics that may shed light on the purpose of these fechtbuchs.

It must be noted that, apart from Flos Duellatorum, none of the 15th century combat manuals endeavour to show a complete fighting system or method. While they often show basic postures or techniques, they quickly move beyond to advanced techniques. Very often the manuals display special tricks and counters, responses to (unstated) basic techniques. It is almost as though the authors felt no need to record the basic things that every student knew. [22]

Fig. 12

It is also important to note that almost universally the documents show combat in the context of duels and trial-by-combat (fig. 12). There is a clear distinction between ‘real’ fighting and ‘play’ fighting. Talhoffer explicitly categorizes some techniques as ‘war work’. This attitude in 15th century combat manuals is excellently illustrated by the preface to Le Jeu De La Hache [14], an anonymous Burgundian treatise on the poll-hammer from the early 15th century:

On leaving your pavilion, you must be well-armed and furnished with your axe and other relevant weapons. Recommending yourself to God, you must make the sign of the cross and march upright, with a good and valorous countenance, gazing at the other end of the field to seek out your adversary. And gazing upon him you must take in a measured manner a proud courage in yourself to fight valiantly as is becoming. And have in remembrance the principal points contained in the chapters that herein follow. Here begins the science and practice of the noble Axe-play and the manner of fighting. [15]

While the illustrations in 15th century and earlier documents are in some ways idealized abstractions, the early 1500s saw a move to a strongly naturalistic style. Although the illustrative style is markedly different, the practice of showing figures in profile with an attached caption persisted, and the techniques displayed are very similar.

Fig. 13

The anonymous Goliath [16] (fig. 13) is a Swiss or Austrian manuscript from c. 1515, that appears not to have been finished. It is written in three different hands, and different artists may have been used for different pages. However it is a good representative of the style of these early 16th century documents, with highly detailed and naturalistic figures portrayed against backdrops of fields and woods, towns and castles. A similarly styled document, albeit one with significantly higher quality artwork, was produced by Albrecht Dürer in 1520 (fig. 14).

Fig. 14

In 1536, Achille Marozzo produced his Opera Nova (fig. 15). This was a deliberate creation and definition of a new martial system, intended as a break from older styles and teaching, although in reality it was strongly informed by them. Interestingly, Marozzo’s son expanded and republished the book in England in 1568 under the title Arte dell Armi, which roughly translates as ‘martial arts’, which seems to be the first time that phrase was used. Although the illustrative style is similar to the 15th and early 16th century documents, Opera Nova introduces a radically new approach. Many of the plates show different stages in a single motion. Basic postures and techniques are documented and analyzed, then elaborated. In other words, Opera Nova sets out a science of combat, and applies the reductionist analytical methods of the Renaissance to that science.

Fig. 15

Fig. 16a

Fig. 16b

The reductionist and scientific approach dominates the late 16th century, as various authors explored abstract "scientific" illustrative techniques. Camillo Agrippa’s Trattato di Scienza d’Arme [17] published in 1568, sees complex geometric illustrations and analysis of body motions (fig. 16). It also makes use of the interesting technique of drawing the paired figures, still in profile, at different stages of motion in the one picture, resembling freeze-frame photographs superimposed on one another. Giacoma di Grassi’s True Arte Of Defense [18], first published in Italian in 1570, then in English in 1594, extends the ideas of Agrippa. Single illustrations (fig. 17) included geometric notations and superimposed figures, resulting in highly complex and abstract illustrations whose meaning is becoming obscure. The geometric, reductionist trend in illustration continued for quite a while, eventually becoming so obscure and complicated it was ripe for parody by the student engraver Antonio Francesco Lucini in 1627 (fig. 18).

Fig. 17

Fig. 18

It is unknown how many combat manuals were produced in the 14th, 15th and 16th centuries, and thus, we cannot know whether those that remain are truly representative. It is tempting, but dangerous, to view the documents as a uniform set of evolving texts, a family tree of linked texts where each generation shapes the next. On the other hand, sufficient materials exists to allow modern historians to draw broad conclusions.

One way of ‘reading’ the corpus is as an evolution in illustrative technique. Personal combat is a very complicated activity, at least as complex as dance. Vigorous and rapid, yet controlled and precise movement is required. The dynamic interactions of two people, and the weapons they wield, are more important than the static postures a single person may adopt. Representing these complexities in a two-dimensional illustration is inherently a very difficult problem. It is telling that modern combat manuals, even using photographs, still return to the same format we saw in MS I.33 — two figures, in profile, with an explanatory caption.

Early documents had relatively abstract images, the figures serving to emphasize certain key features with a static posture. Through the 15th century, the illustrations became more naturalistic, a trend which crested in the early 16th century before evolving into an abstract ‘scientific’ mode of illustration. Attempts to illustrate motion were made throughout the 15th century — Talhoffer’s shifted perspective, and Fiore and Talhoffer’s use of sequence of pictures are examples of this trend. It appears that the 15th century authors of these combat manuals well understood the core problem of documenting action with two-dimensional illustrations, evolving and experimenting artistic techniques quite distinct from other artistic expressions of the 15th century.

Despite clear detail in the drawings in fifteenth century combat manuals, these documents are not completely useful for archaeological study of weapons and arms. This is not to say they are completely without worth: many of the illustrations amply demonstrate the flexibility, and the strengths and weaknesses, of various weapons. Similarly the illustrations of armoured combatants imply a great deal about the range and ease of movement available to a man in harness. On the other hand, a good number of plates show specialized weapons and shields only used in a tournament or judicial setting, or weapons popular only in certain areas, such as the messer in Talhoffer. While useful as an adjunct to the study of fifteenth century weapons and harness, the documents should be treated with caution as the authors’ intent was to show the use of weapons, not the weapons themselves.

While it is clear that many 16th century combat manuals were published for direct profit, or to promote the fame of the authors, the motives for the creation of 15th century manuals is unclear. Considerable time and effort would have been required to create each of these documents. While some of them may have been commissioned by or written for a paying client, it is unlikely that sufficient market existed for profit to have been the motive for the creation of most of these documents.

Lack of evidence has led to a number of reasonable conjectures. One very likely theory postulates that many of these documents were intended as aide de memoire for teachers and students — not text books per se, but a convenient way of remembering techniques and theory. This could explain why the documents generally do not deal with basic techniques, and often use shorthand names for guards and attacks or rhyming verse to describe techniques. Another ideas is that the documents formed a statement and record of the syllabus of particular schools. It has even been suggested that the creation of these documents served as part of a statement of mastery of the art, just as a doctoral candidate in modern times is required to produce a significant document, which demonstrates what a particular teacher is able to teach. Ultimately, we are unlikely to ever know what drove the creation of these documents.

Several interesting things about the fifteenth century can be discerned through consideration of these manuals. Deeper consideration of these matters could considerably enhance our understanding of this rich period of European history.

Firstly, the existence and context of fifteenth century combat manuals reveals the existence of formal, organised schools of combat and the existence of respected and recognized martial arts masters. Internal evidence hints that these teachers formed a lose-knit community across Europe that communicated and shared ideas and techniques. There are strong suggestions that these teachers were aware of, and relied on the work of older masters, with techniques being passed down both verbally and in writing, and to a good extent saw themselves as part of a tradition of receiving, extending and passing on skills. While we have no details, the extant materials strongly suggest that at least some teachers travelled widely. It is highly probable that masters would visit other schools and travel to teach privately. The emphasis on judicial and tournament combat in many of the manuals strongly suggests that the target audience for training was the nobility, and possibly the arising mercantile class, rather than professional soldiers. On the other hand, we can easily envision a German master travelling to England to teach, on commission, the members of a noble household and also spending some time training the liveried troops. Interestingly, the particular idea of German teachers coming to England is well supported by the English sword texts MS 39564 [19], and The Man Who Whol [20], which have strong correlations with contemporaneous German texts.

While it may be a romantic notion to picture young Richard York being given some rudimentary sword lessons by a crusty old Warwick retainer, or picking up a the skills in the heat of battle or tournament, it is also ridiculous. The effective use of weapons in tournament or battle is a complex skill, requiring rigorous training in the care of an experienced teacher. If we accept the picture of Swiss and Flemish militia regularly practising with their pole weapons, we should readily accept the image of young nobility across Europe diligently training in a structured and formal science of combat.

The source of combat manuals in the 15th century is also very interesting. Despite their secular subject matter, earlier documents such as MS I.33 and Döbringer’s writings come out of the clerical traditions of book production. The manuals in the 15th century appear to have been produced completely outside this tradition, although obviously informed by the traditional skills, and in some instances, probably using clerics as scribes and artists. For the documents produced before the explosive growth of the printing and publishing industries in the late 15th century, this is very significant. Unlike the popular and widely published books of hours and similar religious texts, and unlike the works used in the universities, the combat manuals of the 15th century were books covering completely secular subjects for a secular audience. They represent a tradition of preserving, transmitting and improving on knowledge entirely outside the church, in essence an early democratisation of knowledge. Of course this idea cannot be carried too far, as the audience for any particular text would likely have been small. None the less, it is significant that the mid to late 15th century saw the evolution and expression of the idea that knowledge was not the exclusive preserve of the church.

The 15th century combat manuals can be seen as part of the overall growth of secular humanism in the 15th century. This evolution in mindset from the medieval world-view held up through the 14th century to the more-or-less modern world-view of the Renaissance has been explored in depth elsewhere. It is amply demonstrated through the changes in the arts, and in the rapid growth of personal literary expressions, like the autobiography of Margery Kemp or the Paston Letters. Most of the extant 15th century combat manuals are similarly a personal expression. The authors are generally known, the texts frequently have prefaces written in the first person, and the reader is left with the perception that the text is one person’s expression, not an abstract statement of received learning from the nameless ancients.

Finally, the texts tell us a great deal about the role and perceptions of personal combat in the fifteenth century. Despite our perception of the period, particularly in England, as a violent and lawless time, the reality is that most people were never involved with or directly affected by combat. War had become the preserve of professional soldiers, or of town militia. Personal combat was the domain of tournament and trial-by-combat. This emphasis is well displayed by 15th century combat manuals. Most of them show trial-by-combat or tournament techniques. Some of them explicitly differentiate between this sort of combat and ‘war work’. Some techniques are dismissed as unsporting, with names like ‘murder stroke’ and ‘knave’s throw’.

The extent to which mortal combat was no longer the central theme of tournament is amply illustrated in René d’Anjou’s mid-15th century treatise on tournament, Livre de Tournois [21]. Not only does the bulk of the work specify, in intricate detail, the ceremonial aspects of tournament, it describes at length specialised wooden swords and leather armour designed to minimize the risk of injury and death. Personal combat, it seems, began its transformation into sport and play in the 15th century, while the introduction of guns, cannons and mass infantry tactics saw the transformation of war to the domain of professionals.

When studying the history of 15th century England, it is easy to fall into the trap of focusing on the big picture, seeing only the ebb and flow of politics and conflict. We can easily forget that truly remarkable changes in English culture and society occurred through the 15th century, as England evolved from a medieval society to one that was, in many ways, recognisably modern. Period documents, materials discussing the concerns and interests of people at various levels of society, can provide strong hints and powerful insights into those concerns and interests. While it is highly unlikely that we will ever fully understand the world-view or motivations of a person in late 15th century, we can, with the aid of documents such as these combat manuals, gain a little more understanding.

Footnotes

1. Previously known as HACA.
2. Tower of London Manuscript I.33, Royal Library Museum, British Museum No. 14 E iii, No. 20, D. vi. http://www.thehaca.com/Manuals/i33/i33.htm
3. German National Museum, Nuremberg, Cod.ms.3227a http://liechtenauer.lart-pour-lart.de/3227a/index.html
4. Francesco Novati, Flos duellatorum: Il Fior di battaglia di maestro Fiore dei Liberi da Premariacco. Bergamo: 1902. Pisani-Dossi Collection. http://www.varmouries.com/wildrose.fiore/fiore.html
5. Codex 1324, fondo Vittorio Emanuele della Biblioteca Nazionale di Roma. http://www.chronique.com/Library/Fighting/vadi_traslation.html
6. Mscr.Dresd.C487 / Dresden, Sächsische Landesbibliothek.
7. Ibid: a translation into English by Joerg Bellighausen from a transcription into New High German by Christoph Kaindel. http://www.thehaca.com/Manuals/Ringeck.htm
8. Cod.44 A 8 (Cod. 1449) 1452 / Bibliotheca dell'Academica Nazionale dei Lincei e Corsiniana. http://www.schielhau.org/von.danzig.html
9. Biblioteka Jagiellonski, Krakow - Ms. Germ. Quart. 16, NR: 5878 1989 ROK. http://www.aemma.org/onlineResources/gladiatoria/gladiatoriaHome.htm
10. Ms.Chart.A558, Gotha, Forschungs-bibliothek.
11. Thott 290 2°, Kopenhagen, Königliche Bibliothek.
12. Hergsell, Gustav. Hans Talhoffer's Fechtbuch aus dem Jahre 1467. Prague: 1887. http://aemma.org/onlineResources/talhoffer/talhofferHome.htm
13. Universitätsbibliothek Augsburg: Cod.I.6.40.2. http://www.aemma.org/onlineResources/baumans/baumansHome.htm
14. Bibliotheque Nationale, Manuscrit Francais 1996.
15. Translated by Dr. Sidney Anglo, Archaeologica vol. 109, 1991.
16. Biblioteka Jagiellonski, Krakow - Ms. Germ. Quart. 2020, NR: 5879 1989 ROK. http://www.aemma.org/onlineResources/goliath/goliathHome.htm
17. http://www.aemma org/onlineResources/agrippa/agrippa.pdf
18. K.U.Leuven, Universiteitsbibliotheek, 4A 642. http://www.aemma.org/onlineResources/diGrassi/digrassi.pdf
19. British Library, MS 39564. http://thehaca.com/Manuals/MS39564/39564.htm
20. British Museum, MS. 3542, ff 82-85. http://www.thehaca.com/Manuals/Harleian.htm
21. http://www.princeton.edu/~ezb/rene/renehome.html
22. Since writing this article, I have revised my opinions somewhat, and am somewhat more forgiving about the completeness of the German documents, and of Vadi. Translations published in the last two years shed considerable light on the didactic intent of some documents, and some of these documents clearly express a more-or-less complete combat system.

 

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